The Natural Edge Project The Natural Advantage of Nations Whole System Design Factor 5 Cents and Sustainability




"The Natural Advantage of Nations undoubtedly provides the urgently needed foundation for the new paradigm of sustainability - to promote its assimilation into every development in every sphere of industry and business around the world. I strongly endorse this book and its teachings."
Doug Jones, President Engineers Australia 2003/04





 

The Natural Advantage of Nations (Vol. I): Business Opportunities, Innovation and Governance in the 21st Century

 
 

The Natural Advantage of Nations CoverThis book is about innovation, solutions, competitiveness and profitability. It is also about building environmental integrity and sustainability now and for future generations. It draws a bold vision for the future and tells us how to get there by building on the lessons of competitive advantage theory and the latest in sustainability, economics, innovation, business and governance theory and practice. The authors incorporate innovative technical, structural and social advances, and explore the role that governance can play in both leading and underpinning business and communities in the shift towards a sustainable future. The result is nothing less than the most authoritative and comprehensive guide to building the new ecologically sustainable economy.  (more...)

 
 

Chapter 1 (Part 7) - Implications and benefits for global development

There has also been a significant shift in our understanding of how sustainable development which seeks to improve resource productivity can also help sustain economic growth, and thus assist global development this century. It is physically impossible for all developing nations to achieve Western material living standards with previous modes of development, as the global ‘ecological footprint’[57] (the equivalent land and water area required to produce a given population’s material standard, including resources appropriated from other places) is already greater than the carrying capacity of our planet.


If China were to consume seafood at the per capita rate of Japan, it would need 100 million tonnes, more than today’s total catch. If China’s beef consumption was to match the USA’s per capita consumption and if that beef was produced mainly in feedlot, this would take grain equivalent to the entire US harvest.
Sustainable Consumption – A UNEP Global Status Report, 2002


Achieving a high level of resource productivity and efficiency will also assist in positive global economic development, as at present approximately 25 per cent of global development aid capital is spent on energy.[58] Governments, such as China’s, are increasingly focusing on efficient energy use in future development models:


When Chinese authorities decided to make refrigerators more accessible, they imported numerous assembly lines. The saturation of refrigerators in Beijing households rose from 2 per cent to 62 per cent in six years, but the refrigerators’ inefficient design created $500 million in unintended shortages of power and of capital to generate it. A cabinet member said that this error must not be repeated: energy and resource efficiency must be the cornerstone of the development process. Otherwise resource waste will require supply side investment of the capital meant to buy the devices that were supposed to use those resources. This realisation contributed to China’s emphasis on energy efficiency (halving primary energy/GDP elasticity in the 1980s and nearly rehalving it since), laying the foundation for the 1996 shift from coal to gas, renewables, and efficiency – the greatest contribution of any nation so far to reducing greenhouse emissions.[59]
Amory Lovins (2004)


Many countries, including China, are now focused on water efficiency strategies to forestall the need for additional dams. One of the key findings of a landmark report from the World Commission on Dams (WCD), headed by Nelson Mandela, was that few dams have ever been analysed to see if the benefits outweighed the real costs. It reported that the construction of dams has been the biggest single drain on aid budgets for the past 50 years, costing US$4 billion annually, for instance, in the 1980s.[60] The report also found that dam building has driven up to 80 million people from their homes; that shallow dams in the tropics are significant greenhouse gas emitters due to rotting vegetation, and, surprisingly, some dams were found to be larger greenhouse emitters than coal-fired power stations.[61]

Whilst there is growing awareness of the need to change and of the multiple benefits of sustainable development, there is still ‘business as usual’ inertia from governments and some business sectors because many continue to believe, incorrectly, that sustainable development will significantly harm economic growth. This debate matters because the result of the current belief that sustainable development will hurt economic growth is that governments, research and development (R&D) institutions and companies have not been encouraged as much as they could have been to explore economically feasible and desirable paths to an ecologically sustainable economy.

It used to be assumed that economic growth entailed parallel growth in resource consumption and, to a certain extent, environmental degradation. However, the experience of the last few decades indicates that economic growth and resource consumption and environmental degradation can be decoupled to a considerable extent. As Philip Sutton, founder and Director of Strategy, Green Innovations Inc, explains, the traditional assumption arises from a simple semantic confusion:[62]


When businesses and governments talk about growth they generally mean economic growth. They mean (assuming the expenditure model of measuring GDP) the amount of monetary transactions as measured by the GDP. When environmentalists talk about growth they mean physical growth, resource consumption with concurrent environmental degradation. But economic and physical growth are not the same thing. Economic growth is an acceleration in the production of economic value. Physical growth of the economy means it spreads over more area or has a larger material and energy throughput or has a larger stock of physical products or buildings or infrastructure. Certainly for most of the last 200 years these two forms of growth have moved in lock-step. So it is not surprising that the iron law ‘economic growth = physical growth’ has lodged itself firmly people’s minds.


However there is now both significant evidence of a decoupling of economic growth from physical growth and greater knowledge of how to achieve this through much of the economy. In the US, for seven years after the OPEC oil price shock of 1979, the economy grew by 19 per cent while energy use fell by 6 per cent. Over the last 30 years the UK’s GDP has doubled yet CO2 emissions and energy use have increased marginally. The UK has achieved a significant decoupling of GDP growth, energy use and CO2 emissions. In the US between 1980 and 1995 the amount of fresh water withdrawn per American fell by 21 per cent and water withdrawn per dollar of real GDP fell by 38 per cent. This empirical experience challenges the iron law.

In fact, recent research is showing that a transition to a sustainable economy, if focused on improving resource productivity, will lead to higher economic growth than business as usual, while at the same time reducing pressures on the environment and enhancing employment. This has been shown by economic modelling in Europe by ex-Wuppertal Institute member Joachim Spangenberg working with neo-classical economists. The project was called Labour and Environment, and Joachim is currently working in a team to demonstrate this fact with global economic scenario models used in several EU funded projects, including one called Modelling Opportunities and Limits for Restructuring Europe Towards Sustainability (MOSUS). Some of the factors that allow higher than expected economic growth from sustainable development are described here.

First, as we have shown, there exist great opportunities for increased resource productivity, and large radical resource productivity gains often cost less than smaller resource productivity gains. Second, obviously many of the direct and indirect costs of large-scale environmental damage and resource depletion will be avoided at significantly less cost and the economy will be protected from environmentally induced destabilization. Third, during the transition to a fully operational ecologically sustainable economy, which would be a period of several decades at least, the economy would have a strong structural tendency to higher levels of employment. The structural tendency to favour higher employment is caused by three things: (i) the recycling of revenues from eco-taxes to reduce payroll taxes or other costs of employing labour; (ii) the greater labour intensity of new ways of doing things where the technology and the manufacturing and operational techniques are not yet highly refined; and (iii) the pumppriming effect of investments brought forward to replace scrapped capital.

Fourth, a strongly green economy will enhance the dynamics of the economy to favour the greatest source of productivity improvement in the modern economy – the information sector. To create economic wealth with significantly lower physical resource inputs and environmental impact is going to require clever development; and clever development depends on a strong information economy. Skilled labour, sophisticated machinery and technology, and lots of top quality information will be needed. Fifth, contrary to the intuition of many economists and the ideology of many politicians, wise social spending has contributed to, rather than inhibited, economic growth. This is one of the conclusions of a recently published respected historical study by Peter Lindert called Growing Public: Social Spending and Economic Growth Since the Eighteenth Century. This extensive study on whether social policies that redistribute income impose constraints on economic growth concluded that, contrary to traditional beliefs, the net national costs of government social programmes are virtually zero.

Sixth, corruption around the world is widely regarded as one of the biggest impediments to sustainable development. Removing corruption will not just help to create a more just and sustainable world but would also assist economic growth. The World Bank Development Report summed it up well in 1997 when it discussed how corruption also harms economic growth especially over the long-term because it leads to suboptimal decision-making by governments. Seventh, properly designed eco-taxes can be used to increase firm level productivity and economic growth. Many papers including OECD reports have shown how revenues raised from eco-taxes are expected to create virtually fully offsetting output and productivity gains in other parts of the economy provided they are channelled back into the economy in the most effective ways. There are many other significant reasons and we consider some of them now in more detail.

Eighth, new design for sustainability ideas on how to design the built environment, well summarized in books such as Green Development: Integrating Ecology and Real Estate,[63] can have remarkably positive effects on a nation’s GNP, because construction and the built environment make up a very large fraction of GNP – for instance 9 per cent in the US and 18 per cent in Japan. Therefore, even small improvements in construction techniques can have effects on national income that are large compared with more exciting basic science discoveries. The lesson from the remarkable growth rates of Japan over a significant part of the last 40 years is clear: seemingly mundane forms of applied research, such as design work or product and process engineering, can have large cumulative benefits for the firm that undertakes them and even larger benefits for society as a whole.

There is increasing interest in the link between urban development and economic growth. Mainstream concern about these issues is such that the US Newsweek magazine dedicated an entire special issue on Asia’s urban explosion. Newsweek wrote: ‘Rome was the first settlement to reach 1 million people in 5 BC and only in 1800 did London become the second. By 2015 Asia alone will have 267 cities with 1 million or more residents. Urbanization will either make or break the Asian miracle economies. The growth of many cities in Asia is astounding. In 25 years from now most Asians will live in cities and towns.’[64] Dhaka, Mumbai and Delhi will number among the world’s five largest cities[65] and Asia, as a whole, will account for 12 of the world’s largest 21 cities by 2015. Today’s largest metropolis is Tokyo, which has an estimated 27 million residents. By 2050, trends suggest there will be over 50 mega-cities globally, with most of them in Asia.[66]


Figure 1.5 Historic and future trends for urbanization of developing and transition countries
(Source: World Bank 2003)

In Section 4 we will show in detail that, if cities adopt sustainable development, it will help them foresee and overcome many of the problems of rapid urbanization. For example, one of the biggest influences on the economic costs of cities are the transport choices made by urban designers. It has long been believed that building roads is good for the economy of cities while public transport is a financial drain. A report to the World Bank (published in Sustainability and Cities[67]) prepared by researchers at Murdoch University is turning this way of thinking on its head.

Professor Peter Newman says: ‘they have found that cities that emphasize walking, cycling and public transport are healthier financially and spend less of their wealth on transport costs. The six cities that came out the best were cities like Zurich, Copenhagen, Stockholm – very wealthy cities now, which spend only 4 or 5 per cent of their wealth on transport, and yet they are the cities that are putting their money into public transport. And the cities still pouring money into freeways use up to 17 per cent of their wealth. Australian and US cities like Perth and Phoenix are wasting far more of their valuable wealth on just getting around. Our data would really question that freeway building has any economic rationale; unless you are building up the rail system (as in Perth) you are not going to help it economically. As soon as you put in big roads, you create a market for city sprawl and this is very expensive. If you build railways, particularly light rail, it concentrates a city as developers like building around it, thus helping to stop the sprawl. Then you get a whole lot of flow ons.’ The study also found that the mechanisms driving this additional cost include the following:


• The land required to build the infrastructure and its subsequent requirements for parking; a single lane of railway can carry up to 50,000 persons per hour, a bus way can carry 7000 persons per hour and a highway lane just 2500 persons per hour.[68]


• The direct cost to households of owning a car are considerable, especially if it is a second or third car. A study in Australia showed that a household could save AU$750,000 over a lifetime if a second car could be avoided.

• The opportunity cost of such capital and land can be considerable if seen on a whole city basis. The difference between the most competitive cities, in terms of their transportation costs as a proportion of city wealth, and the least competitive (5–8 per cent compared to 12–18 per cent) can be equivalent to an extra day a week of work in car dependent cities.[69]


A still more recent study of 84 cities undertaken by Kenworthy and Laube,[70] has shown that cities with well designed public transport systems have significantly less total transport costs, as a proportion of their city wealth, than those which have built in a heavy reliance on freeways and cars.[71] There is still further evidence that a transition to sustainable transport need not harm economic growth. In fact, an important new study provides significant evidence to support the notion that it would be highly profitable for major nations to make the transition to get off oil. Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI) has released Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profits, Jobs, and Security,[72] a Pentagon cofunded blueprint for making the US oil-free. Winning the Oil Endgame proves viable ways exist through which, by 2015, the US can save more oil than it gets from the Persian Gulf; by 2025, use less oil than in 1970; by 2040, import no oil; and by 2050, use no oil at all. ‘For the first time, RMI’s report adds up the new ways to provide all the services now obtained from oil, but without using oil – which will save us $70 billion a year’, concludes Amory Lovins the lead author of this new study.

Ninth, the potential benefits of energy efficiency to the environment productivity and economic growth are well documented. Numerous government programmes demonstrate that significant energy efficiency savings still exist in all OECD modern economies and even more so in developing or rapidly emerging economies. In their publication Energy Security Facts: Details and Documentation, Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI) argues that there are still US$300 billion of available savings through better energy efficiency in the US economy. The recent White Paper on energy for Australia estimated that there are still close to a billion dollars that could be added to the nation’s GDP through energy efficiency in the commercial sector alone. But this ignores significant gains to the economy possible in the residential sector. In Section 4 we discuss how the economic benefits of more energy efficient homes have been demonstrated by a recent economic study by Allen Consulting (see Chapter 17). They showed remarkably that 5-star energy efficient homes would be better for the economy than 4-star homes, leading to the adoption of 5-star standards for new homes by the State Government of Victoria in Australia. Section 4 features many more studies and evidence to support this line of argument.

Another significant work by Fairbanks and Lindsey[73] provides further insights to the benefits of sustainable development for countries’ standards of living and economic growth. Their work shows that significant economic benefits exist for developing countries from diversifying their economies rather than relying on exports of natural resources for their income (often at considerable environmental and social cost).

Fairbanks and his colleagues, at the On the Frontier Group, work with ‘emerging economies’ to assist in identifying and acting upon opportunities to achieve international competitive advantage with their firms. Their work has shown that emerging economies can find additional opportunities to add value and help break the poverty cycle and point out that: ‘The challenge that business and political leaders of those countries face is twofold: (i) to develop more sophisticated sources of advantage that are not so easily imitated, and (ii) to realize that depleting natural resources and suppressing wages will not lead to sustainable, long-term wealth creation. It is critical for leaders to develop the capacity to think about the future and to move out of such unattractive ‘factor-based’ industries.

Fairbanks and Lindsay argue that emerging economies that simply rely on their input conditions (raw or natural resources) not only increase the risk of reinforcing existing poverty traps, but they can simultaneously miss opportunities to improve the competitive advantage of and opportunities for their firms. In addition, countries dependent on key natural resources, and lacking diversity in their economy are vulnerable to commodity price shocks. Jeffrey Sachs and fellow economists at the Harvard Institute for International Development found, through statistical analysis, that the more a developing country’s economy depended on resource exports in 1971 the less it grew in per capita terms between 1965 and 1990. Overall, among the countries sampled, a 10 per cent point increase in resource exports, as a share of GDP in 1971, corresponded to a half-percentage point fall in average growth over the 1965–1990 period.[74]

Ironically, overwhelming evidence indicates that countries seemingly blessed with massive reserves of oil and minerals and other natural resources are, on average, not outperforming less resource rich nations. Previously, having such natural resources was believed to contribute to a nations ‘natural advantage’ over others. However, this is no longer the case. This reality has led to these same resource rich countries attempting to remedy their overall poor economic progress by liquidating their natural assets (forests, mineral wealth or oil) even faster. Over the past 50 years there has been a consistent increase in the volume of natural resources being extracted by developing countries. Today, resource rich developing countries now mine five times the copper they mined in 1955, pump six times the oil and fell seven times the timber for paper and lumber production.[75]

This has occurred because it is relatively easy for companies in resource rich developing nations to imitate OTHER companies based on resource extraction. Firms competing on low labour and resource costs also leave themselves exposed if there are changes in other countries that result in even lower labour and resource costs. For instance, a rival firm may be granted subsidies by the government of another country which enables them to beat your price in the marketplace, no matter how efficient you are. Second, technology has delivered greater options to firms in the developed world for reducing the relative advantage of cheap labour and resource conditions in the ‘developing world’. This paradox is commonly known as the ‘Resource Curse’ and it has generated much debate amongst experts globally. Other factors that contribute to poor economic performance from the ‘resource curse’ may include:[76]


• pressure on government by interests associated with large scale resource companies;

• strong revenues flowing to government from the resource sector;

• declining terms of trade (meaning that imports outweigh exports);

• skills of workers not being easily transferable to other industries; and

• lower multiplier effects for resource industries than would exist for the same dollar utilized in manufacturing, particularly export oriented manufacturing.


Rather, as we will show in detail in Section 2, there is another way. The latest studies show that it is the firms that are innovating for new emerging markets and value adding that are the most profitable. Fundamentally a firm can increase its productivity by innovating to offer new services to more attractive customers (product differentiation) or by creating the same value with fewer inputs (operational efficiency).

New ideas like the pipes and pumps case study above are increasingly being understood to help both operational efficiency and product differentiation through helping firms to create ‘greener’ products that command higher prices in the marketplace. Intuitively one would expect this to also assist economic growth as well as assisting firms’ competitiveness. New developments in economics now show that such new ideas and innovations at the micro-economic level do also assist economic growth. Significant advances in economics are showing that new designs, new ideas and innovations are very important to achieving lasting economic growth. One of the chief architects of this ‘New Growth Theory’, Stanford economics Professor Paul Romer, shows that economic growth does not arise just from accumulating more capital. His work shows that is also arises from new and better ideas expressed as technological progress.

Before New Growth Theory, economists recognized that technology contributed substantially to growth, but they couldn’t figure out how to incorporate rigorously and completely that insight internally into their economic models. Romer’s innovation, expressed in technical articles with titles such as ‘Increasing Returns and Long-Run Growth’ and ‘Endogenous Technological Change’, has been to find ways to describe rigorously and exactly how technological progress brings about economic growth. In the old growth models, the rate of technological progress was assumed to be a given and was not modelled explicitly. Rather it was simply set at a constant rate of productivity growth. New growth theorists make technological progress internal to their economic growth model including modelling of R&D and technological changes in production explicitly. In new growth models, the rate of technological progress is determined by aspects of the model itself rather than simply been set at a constant rate of progress as it was in the old growth models. This provides at least a start to building economic models that link how positive changes in the productivity at the firm level influence economic growth at the macro-economic level. This at least provides a start of the theoretical foundation needed to model rigorously how improvements in design, technological processes at the firm level (outlined in detail in Section 2) can positively effect macro-economic growth. Paul Romer writes:[77]


We now know that the classical economic suggestion that we can grow rich by accumulating more and more pieces of physical capital is simply wrong. The problem an economy faces is what economists call “diminishing returns”. In handling heavy objects a forklift is a really useful piece of equipment. When there were few fork lifts in the economy, the return on an investment in an additional lift is significant. But eventually buying additional forklifts would have no value and become a nuisance (to the firm). The return on investment in an additional fork lift diminishes and eventually becomes negative. As a result an economy cannot grow merely by accumulating more and more of the same kind of capital goods.


Romer continues:[78]


Economic growth occurs whenever people take resources and rearrange them in ways that are more valuable. A useful metaphor for production in an economy comes from the kitchen. To create valuable products, we mix inexpensive ingredients together according to a recipe. The cooking one can do is only limited by the supply of ingredients, and most cooking in the economy produces undesirable side-effects. If economic growth could be achieved only by doing more and more of the same kind of cooking, we would run out of raw materials and suffer from unacceptable levels of pollution and nuisance. Human history teaches us however that economic growth springs from better recipes, not just from more cooking. New recipes generally produce fewer unpleasant side-effects and generate more economic value per unit of raw material.


As we have stated (see the section on ‘A critical mass of enabling technologies’ earlier in this chapter), the scale of the challenge of achieving sustainability plus the remarkable array of potential resource productivity gains that exist in the economy provide a significant stimulus for innovation this century. We propose then that a transition to an ecologically sustainable economy will help further drive the development of new designs, methods and mechanisms to meet the needs of society and, wisely done, could also stimulate economic growth greater than business as usual.

To conclude, as well as all the benefits outlined so far, this new development paradigm of sustainability if pursued on a global scale, will offer still more significant benefits for governments, society and business. As the book will show, these benefits include many indirect benefits such as benefits to health,[79] reduced numbers of environmental refugees, increased resilience to infrastructure failure or terrorist attack, plus many other benefits to national security.[80] In Section 4 these benefits are discussed in detail. Also security experts are now predicting that, unless current unsustainable resource useage patterns change to become sustainable, access to key raw resources, such as oil and water, could be a potential source of conflict this century.[81]

Today, the US imports 50 per cent of their oil, Europe 70 per cent and it is estimated that China will import 50 per cent of its oil within ten years. On the economic front, key studies by experts in the field report that the world is close to the midpoint of world oil supplies,[82] which has significant implications for balance of payments. For instance, the forecasts for Australia are that the AU$1.2 billion surplus in petroleum products in 2000 will be a AU$7.6 billion deficit in trade of liquid hydrocarbons by 2010.[83] Therefore the choices urban designers and planners make also have implications for national security and the economy. Section 4 of the book will cover these issues in detail. Finally pursuing sustainable development will ensure that nations and their firms who practise it will not face direct or indirect trade sanctions from significant trading blocks such as Europe on the grounds of environmental performance.

Hence this publication will show that wisely applied sustainable development will lead in multiple ways to a Natural Advantage of Nations.

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References

57. Every product we buy, every service we use, has an impact on the planet, otherwise known as an environmental load. This can be measured by measuring a product's ecological footprint. How large that ecological footprint is depends on the amount of energy and materials needed to make, transport, package, market and approve it. All products have this 'secret life' that most of us never consider. (Back)

 

58. Lovins, A. (2004) 'Energy Efficiency, Taxonomic Overview for Earth's Energy Balance', in Cleveland, C. J. (ed) Encyclopedia of Energy, Volume 1, Elsevier. (Back)

 

59. Ibid, pp20-21. (Back)

 

60. World Commission on Dams (2000) Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-making, The Report of the World Commission on Dams, Earthscan, London. (Back)

 

61. The International Rivers Network (IRN) has developed a booklet providing background on the formation of the WCD, a detailed summary of the WCD's findings and recommendations, and responses from NGOs, institutions and governments to the report. (Back)

 

62. Sutton, P. (2000) 'Is it Possible for a Green Economy to have High Economic Performance?' Green Innovations, Melbourne (www.green-innovations.asn.au/econ-mdl.htm). (Back)

 

63. Wilson , A., Uncapher, J., McManigal, L., Lovins, L. H., Cureton, M. and Browning, W. (1998) Green Development: Integrating Ecology and Real Estate, Rocky Mountain Institute/John Wiley & Sons. (Back)

 

64. Newsweek Special Issue, 37, 'Boom Towns: Is Asia's Urban Explosion a Blessing or a Curse?'. (Back)

 

65. The World Federation of Engineering Organisations (WFEO) has identified megacities as a major area of concern for the future. (Back)

 

66. World Bank (2003) World Bank Development Report 2003: Sustainable Development in a Dynamic World, Oxford University Press, Oxford, Ch 6. (Back)

 

67. Newman, P. and Kenworthy, J. (1999) Sustainability and Cities, Island Press, Washington, DC. (Back)

 

68. Kenworthy, J. (2003) Transport Energy Use and Greenhouse Gases in Urban Passenger Transport Systems: A Study of 84 Global Cities, as submitted to the International Sustainability Conference: Second Meeting of the Academic Forum of Regional Government for Sustainable Development 2003, Department of the Premier and Cabinet, Perth. (Back)

 

69. Refer to Chapter 19 of this publication on Sustainable Urban Transport, based on the findings of a study of Newman, P. and Kenworthy, J. (1999) Sustainability and Cities, Island Press, Washington, DC. (Back)

 

70. Kenworthy, J.and Laube.F (2001) 'The Millennium Cities Database for Sustainable Transport', Soziale Technik 4, pp17-18. (Back)

 

71. Newman, P. and Kenworthy, J. (1999) Sustainability and Cities, Island Press, Washington, DC. (Back)

 

72. Lovins, A., Datta, E. K. and others (2004) Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profits, Jobs, and Security, Rocky Mountain Institute, Colorado/Earthscan, London. (Back)

 

73. Fairbanks, M. and Lindsay, S. (1997) Plowing the Sea: Nurturing the Hidden Sources of Growth in the Developing World, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, Ch's 1-7 (with a Foreword by Michael E. Porter). (Back)

 

74. Cited in Roodman, D. (1999) The Natural Wealth of Nations: Harnessing the Market and the Environment, Worldwatch Environment Alert Series, WW Norton, New York/Earthscan, London, p55. (Back)

 

75. Roodman, D. (1999) The Natural Wealth of Nations: Harnessing the Market and the Environment, Worldwatch Environment Alert Series, WW Norton, New York/Earthscan, London, p54. (Back)

 

76. Sheehy, B. and Dickie, P. (2002) 'Facing the Future', Australian submission to the Report of the Mining Minerals and Sustainable Development (MMSD) Project Breaking New Ground, MMSD/Earthscan, London. (Back)

 

77. Romer, P. (1994) 'From Beyond Classical and Keynesian Macroeconomic Policy', Policy Options, July-August. (Back)

 

78. Romer, P. (1993) 'Economic Growth', in Henderson, D. R. (ed) The Fortune Encyclopedia of Economics, Warner Books. (Back)

 

79. McMichael, A. (2002) 'The Biosphere, Human Health and Sustainability', Science, vol 297, p1063; McMichael, T. (2001) Human Frontiers, Environments and Disease: Past Patterns, Uncertain Futures, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge; IPCC (2001a) Climate Change 2000, IPCC, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Ch 5. (Back)

 

80. Lovins, A. and Lovins, L. H. (1982) Brittle Power, Brick House. (Back)

 

81. Klare, M. (2001) Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict, Henry Holt Books, New York. (Back)

 

82. Robinson, B. (2002) Global Oil Vulnerability and the Australian Situation, Issues and Background Paper for the Western Australia State Sustainability Strategy, Government of Western Australia. (Back)

 

83. Government of Western Australia (2002) Focus on the Future: The Western Australian State Sustainability Strategy: Consultation Draft, Department of the Premier and Cabinet, Perth, p198. (Back)